By Kavita Mistry 
Thiruvananthapuram: The CPI(M)-led Kerala government’s decision to join the central education scheme, Prime Minister’s Schools for Rising India (PM-SHRI), has run into fierce opposition, not just from the Opposition, but also its own ally, the Communist Party of India (CPI).
The state’s General Education Minister V Sivankutty on 19 October announced the LDF government’s decision to get central funding of Rs 1,466 crore for its education sector by implementing PM-SHRI in Kerala.
Though the minister asserted that the state wasn’t changing its existing education policy, the decision on PM-SHRI marked a U-turn by the same government, which had in June said it won’t sign up for the scheme and will consider taking a legal recourse to get central funds.
The CPI, which believes that PM-SHRI is the Centre’s way of promoting its National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, disagrees.
CPI state secretary Binoy Viswam told ThePrint on Wednesday the Left party is against NEP because the policy promotes ideologies of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS).
“The structure of PM-SHRI is NEP, which is RSS’s ideology to be implemented in education. Political unity should be upheld. Our struggle is to uphold the Left ideology. And we believe the CPI(M) will also understand this,” Viswam said.
Another CPI leader, who wished to remain anonymous, said the CPI(M)-led state government did not discuss its PM-SHRI stand with the cabinet.
“All central government funds are conditional, which is not a good practice in federalism. The only state government that has opposed it is Tamil Nadu. Even the Kerala government has failed to do so. It’s a problem to go for it (PM-SHRI) without fighting for the funds and without discussing it,” the leader said.
Despite the public disagreement, both parties insist their alliance remains intact.
Viswam emphasised their common goal of fighting the RSS-BJP.
The CPI leader quoted above also acknowledged the parties would “compromise and move forward” despite their differences.
A senior CPI(M) leader, too, said opinions between the parties may differ but the final decision is taken for the welfare of the state. “They can voice their opinions. It’s not CPI’s or CPI(M)’s policies that should be implemented here. We have to find unanimous decisions despite the differences. That doesn’t mean our alliance is affected,” he added.
Also Read: After investment summit, a ‘New Kerala’ plan. CPI(M)-led LDF eyes a hat-trick in the state
A pattern of differences
Implementation of PM-SHRI isn’t the first instance of discord among the allies.
In January, CPI opposed the state government’s decision to allow a private distillery unit in Palakkad. A month later, it criticised the proposal to collect toll on roads built from Kerala Infrastructure Investment Funds (KIIFB).
In the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, when LDF lost 18 of 20 seats to Congress, CPI’s executive meeting blamed government failures for the debacle. Viswam, at the time, described the Students Federation of India—CPI(M)’s student wing—as an outfit becoming a political “liability” for the Left.
At CPI’s state conference held this September, party delegates also criticised the LDF government on issues, among them state police and home department, which are controlled by chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan.
Tensions extend to the grassroots levels too.
Last month, nearly 80 CPI functionaries joined CPI(M) in Ernakulam. The ceremony to welcome these functionaries in Paravoor was presided over by CPI(M) district secretary S Satheesh.
In February, a power struggle erupted in Kollam municipality, when CPI(M) mayor Prasanna Earnest initially refused to step down after four years at the post to hand it over the post to CPI, as was the agreed pact between the allies. Earnest eventually relented, making way for her successor Honey Benjamin, after days of protests by CPI.
Ideological roots, political reality
In Kerala, CPI formed India’s first democratically elected communist government in 1956 under EMS Namboodiripad.
But ideological differences led to a rift in 1964, from which emerged CPI and CPI(M).
Following the split, many prominent leaders, including Namboodiripad, moved to the CPI(M), which won 40 seats in the 1965 assembly elections compared to CPI’s three. As no party was able to stake a claim to form a government in the 133-seat Assembly, a re-election was ordered. The Left reunited, and swept the 1967 assembly polls, but both parted ways once again in 1969.
From then till 1977, CPI allied with the Congress and its party leader C Achutha Menon served as chief minister.
The alliance of Left Democratic Front (LDF), comprising both communist parties, emerged in the late 1970s and has alternated power with the Congress-led United Democratic Front since.
Kerala-based political analyst Joseph C Mathew believes that status quo will remain despite the differences.
“CPI(M) knows that CPI’s stand is just opposition by words. I don’t think CPI is serious about its opposition as well. At the end of the day, both parties say that they need power,” he said.
In the 140-member Kerala assembly, LDF currently holds 99 seats, with CPI(M) commanding 62, followed by CPI’s 17 and Kerala Congress-(M)’s five.
“At the grassroots level, there is no unity. Mostly the parties unite for elections. Other than that, there is no unity over local matters or even for protests. It’s because of the lack of ideological strength,” the CPI leader quoted above said.
He added, “The base of Left-Marxist unity is elections. So, we will stand together in the elections.”
(Edited by Prerna Madan)