By Kavita Mistry 
The Pradhan Mantri Schools for Rising India (PM SHRI) scheme is a bold and forward-thinking initiative by the central government to revolutionise education across India. Designed to upgrade over 14,500 government schools under the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, it promises state-of-the-art infrastructure: smart classrooms, science labs, and digital libraries – while championing holistic, competency-based learning. With a substantial budget of Rs 18,128 crore over five years, PM SHRI aims to bring public education up to global standards, ensuring every child has access to quality learning opportunities. It’s a scheme brimming with potential to transform lives and level the playing field for students nationwide.
The early results are already promising. According to the Ministry of Education, 40 PM SHRI schools across five states – Manipur, Tripura, Rajasthan, Meghalaya, and Madhya Pradesh – have seen a remarkable 75.8% increase in student enrolment since their inclusion in the scheme. In 2020-21, these schools had a combined enrolment of 14,258 students; by 2023-24, this number had surged to 25,065. In Manipur, one school reported a staggering 295% increase in enrolment, from 173 students in 2020-21 to 684 in 2023-24. Similarly, in Rajasthan, dropout rates have declined by 15% in PM SHRI schools, thanks to innovative approaches like child-tracking systems and nutrition gardens. Early evaluations results from Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra also show a 10–15% improvement in science and math scores. These successes demonstrate PM SHRI’s ability to bridge the gap between public and private education, offering students, regardless of their background, the tools to thrive in a competitive world.
Regional parties: Turning opportunity into obstacle
Despite this proven track record, regional parties in certain states are holding back the scheme’s nationwide rollout – not because of its merits, but due to their preoccupation with parochial concerns. In Tamil Nadu, for example, the government has refused to sign the PM SHRI Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), citing unease with the NEP’s three-language formula. Chief Minister MK Stalin has positioned this as a stand against cultural imposition, even though Union Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan clarified in the March 2025 parliamentary session that the policy is flexible, allowing states to choose languages based on local context. The story repeats in Kerala, and West Bengal, where regional parties have dug in their heels, often citing state autonomy or resistance to perceived central overreach. These objections gloss over the scheme’s decentralised structure, which empowers schools to tailor reforms to their communities. By opting out, these parties are not just rejecting collaboration – they are denying their students access to resources and opportunities already transforming classrooms elsewhere.
The centre’s move to link Samagra Shiksha Abhiyan funds to PM SHRI participation is a pragmatic nudge toward cooperation, but regional leaders have spun it as coercion, amplifying division instead of seeking common ground. This resistance isn’t just about policy disagreements but a calculated play for political leverage. In the budget session, Tamil Nadu MPs staged protests in Parliament, escalating a manageable discussion into a public spectacle. Meanwhile, the central government has kept the door open, inviting dialogue and offering flexibility on funding and language policies. Regional leaders, however, have largely rebuffed these overtures, prioritising short-term political wins over the long-term welfare of their students.
The PM SHRI scheme reflects the best of cooperative federalism, with education, a concurrent subject, thriving when the Centre and states work hand in hand. The central government has shown pragmatism and openness, ready to tweak the scheme to address state-specific concerns. It’s an opportunity for regional parties in Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and West Bengal to step up, set aside petty divisions, and join a movement that’s already proving its worth elsewhere.
Rather than reducing PM SHRI to a policy tug-of-war, states must recognise its potential to raise the quality of government schooling, particularly in underserved regions. The central government has laid a strong foundation with vision and dedication. As classrooms in participating states flourish, the reluctance of regional parties stands in stark relief. The success of PM SHRI hinges on whether states view it as an opportunity for reform or as an imposition to resist. By engaging constructively with the Centre, states can ensure that education, not politics, remains the priority.
Disclaimer
Views expressed above are the author’s own.
END OF ARTICLE